would be “autonomous and sovereign”. They pointed out that actually Pakistan upholding an ideal of centralization of power rater than that of provincial autonomy.
The sense of betrayal in East Bengal reached a climax over the question of language. In March, 1948, Jinnah, who had come to address the convocation of the Dacca University, was annoyed by the students’ demand that Bengali be recognized as a State Language at par with Urdu. He categorically told his audience: “Let me make it very clear to you that the state language of Pakistan is going to Urdu, and no other language,”
Bangalees saw his not only as a mortal blow to their culture by also as a threat to perpetuate their under representation and inferior status in the administrative services, especially in relation to Punjabis by putting them at a disadvantage in all competitive examinations. Resentment over the question exploded in February, 1952 when blood flowed freely-blood of Jabbar, Salam Rafiuddin, Barkat and twenty-two other young people who had dared come out in support of their beloved mother tongue. The blood of the martyrs forces the League Government of East Bengal to demand Bngali as one of the State languages. This demand was turned down at that time. But the Constitution adopted in 1956 declared: “The State languages of Pakistan shall be Urdu and Bengali.”
The urge for provincial autonomy was perhaps the main cause of the virtual annihilation of the Muslim League in Last Pakistan in the 1954 election. The United Front which came to power had reiterated the demand for provincial autonomy in its election programme and the new ministry concentrated on a seven-point programme which dealt largely with the same demand: “Complete autonomy for east Pakistan in all matters except defense, foreign affairs and currency, which would be reserved for the central legislature.” The minister however, could achieve little because within a forthright it was dismissed by the Central Government in a grossly arbitrary fashion.
With the passage of time the economic disparity between the two wings of Pakistan grew and so did the urge for provincial autonomy. The military rule of Ayub Khan commenced in 1958 a lasted for ten years and a half. The military rule and ‘the Basic Democracy’ of Ayub Khan could not, for obvious reasons, create any opportunity for the realization of provincial autonomy. Quite naturally, new dimensions were added to the problem of provincial autonomy and in 1966 Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Announced the sis-point programme for full provincial autonomy.
Establishment of a federal form of government, with Parliament directly elected by adult suffrage; the federal government would control only defense and foreign policy, leaving all other subjects to the federating States of East Pakistan; to stop movement of capital from East West Pakistan, either separate currencies or separate fiscal policies would be established; the federal government would share in State taxes for meeting its expenses, but would itself have no powers of taxation; each of the federating States would be empowered to enter into trade agreements with foreign countries and would have full control over its earned foreign exchange; the States would have their own militia or paramilitary forces.
