পাতা:বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধ দলিলপত্র (দ্বিতীয় খণ্ড).pdf/১৪৬

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বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধ দলিলপত্রঃ দ্বিতীয় খণ্ড
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a minister in the Muslim League ministry, stated that one of the points urged against it was that that government had imposed three taxes on a tree: one on the roots, a second on the trunk and a third on the leaves! The statement made before us by the Election Commissioner in charge of those elections is as follows:

 “The elections were fair and free as far as the mechanics of elections were concerned, but, with regard to the methods adopted by the candidates and their supporters, it was just the opposite of what an election ought to be. The programme presented was. even at first sight, incapable of implementation and passions were named. There was a campaign of hatred against the party in power. Judging from what was seen in those elections, I cannot advocate universal adult suffrage for the election cither of the President or the Parliament. The unpopularity of the Muslim League Government was due mainly to its having taken an all-Pakistan view in the matter of development. The public was misled. The Muslim League was misrepresented to be not interested in the Province. In an election of adult suffrage, there is the danger of the public being easily misled into electing people, not on a consideration of their programme but merely in an emotional state of mind created by inflaming passions by misrepresentation.”

 We have no reason to consider this account as inaccurate or exaggerated.

 108. One more argument for universal franchise was that, if it was not given, the communists, who are very active in East Pakistan in creating discontent, would exploit this dissatisfaction; but we feel that if universal franchise is given, the communists, or any other group hostile to Pakistan, would find it much easier to exploit the ignorance of the masses to our disadvantage. Therefore, the fact that we had universal franchise in the past, for one election in each of the Provinces, should not deter us from correcting ourselves at the earliest possible opportunity. There is no force in the view expressed by some that restricted franchise would be considered, by the outside world, as a reactionary move. As stated at the outset, we have to devise a scheme to suit our genius and not to the satisfaction of other countries. It. therefore, outside opinion is to be considered, indirect election also would be regarded as reactionary. The present generation, in countries having universal education and universal franchise can hardly realize what it means to have universal franchise with widespread illiteracy. As pointed out already, the view of the government, represented by the official delegation, also is that the country is fit to elect only their local representatives on universal franchise. The low percentage of persons who polled in the past clearly indicates that, if universal franchise is not granted, an average person is not so keenly interested in elections as to feel the disappointment which, according to the supporters of universal franchise, partics hostile to Pakistan are likely to exploit. We, therefore, consider that we would be taking a grave risk if, in the matter of the election of the President, the Vice-President, the House of the People and the provincial Assemblies, we adopt universal franchise in our present state of widespread illiteracy amongst the people, whose passions can easily be inflamed. In our opinion, the extension of franchise should, as in England, go hand in hand with the spread of education and, in our present circumstances, we should restrict the suffrage to those citizens of Pakistan who: