country side to resist. No military, however, took place, but tension continued to mount.
On 21 February (Shaheed Day), the atmosphere was tense and emotionally charged. There was once again the expectation that at the meeting at Shaheed Minar, Sheikh Mujib might declare Independence. At that meeting, however, Sheik Mujib' stated that the Bangalee people were united and determined and that if their demands were not conceded then they would shed blood to realize their aspirations.
In the meantime, various delegations representing other West Pakistani parties were arriving in Dacca for discussions. The position taken by the Awami League in these discussions was that while they were committed to making a constitution on the basis of Six-points, they would certainly discuss all aspects of the draft with other political parties and seek to dispel any misgivings that they might have about the impact of the Six-points scheme on the legitimate interests of the Punjab, Sind, NWFP and Baluchistan or the viability of the Federal Government. A major press statement was made by Sheikh Mujib on 24 February, in which the Awami League's position was clearly explained. It was believed that just about this time a crucial meeting of the junta was held. Yahya's adviser's report of this meeting is as follows:
After the fateful Larkana talks, the army junta met formally at Rawalpindi in mid February to discuss the political situation. It was at this meeting that the junta decided to challenge Mujib if he persisted in his uncompromising attitude, but significantly it ignored Bhutto's provocative specches. Bhutto was now regarded by the hawkish generals like Hamid, Omar and Gul Hasan, as well as by his trusted friend Peerzada, as the defender of the “national interest” of Pakistan, as interpreted by the ruling elite. It was at this meeting that the junta decided to dissolve the cabinet whose members had already expressed their desire to be relieved after the election. But at the cabinet meeting on December 8, 1970, Yahya decided to continue with it as some of its members were useful in acting as links with Mujib, while he needed the services of some others as long as constitutional dialogue persisted. But now Yahya's hold over the junta, which had never been absolute, was declining because of his failure to modify Mujib's policy. Both Ahsan and Yahya were discredited. Ahsan wanted to be relieved and the junta decided that he should be replaced by a hawk, Licutenant General Tikka Khan. The cabinet was also dissolved on l'ebruary 17, but within forty-eight hours Yahya invited some of its members, including myself, to continue as his advisers. Instead of a council minister he wanted to have a council of advisers. (But the Bengali members of the proposed council-with one exception-Ahsanul Huq, declined to continue any longer. Of the West Pakistan members of the cabinet, only Cornelius decided to stay).
The Awami League's constitution Drafting Committee was working night and day to finalize the draft constitution bill and long meetings were being held to complete this task before 1 March. Yahya was expecting to reach Dacca on 1 March and we were told by Sheikh Mujib that an advance copy of the draft constitution was to be delivered to him on that date.
