পাতা:বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধ দলিলপত্র (পঞ্চম খণ্ড).pdf/৪৫০

426 বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধ দলিলপত্রঃ পঞ্চম খন্ড desperate muscle-flexing of a militarily sterile-and deeply frightened gang leader such as Yahya. Moreover, Yahya's self-deceiving presumption that India is friendless once again points out his total back of political understanding. ৮ আগষ্ট, ১৯৭১ With Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko's significant visit to New Delhi probably begins the decisive stage of the Bangladesh Liberation Struggle. The Soviet Government has reportedly given clear indications about its support for India if Islamabad military junta with American and Chinese approval chooses to declare war against India in its frantic and clearly suicidal effort to avert military defeat in Bangladesh in the hands of the Bangladesh Liberation Forces. This resolute stand of Soviet Government may well mean an end to Yahya's war cries as both Nixon and Lin Piao are not likely to risk a world war with unthinkable consequences just to save the ugly faces of Yahya and his accomplices. In other words, the possibility of IndoIslamabad military conflict has now become a great deal remoter than it seemed even a few days ago. And that means the failure of Yahya junta to internationalize the Bangladesh issue with a view to crushing the liberation struggle. Political observers believe that the Chinese, even the American stand on the issue might experience qualitative changes during the coining weeks-the weeks that are sure to 3ve crucial for the future of Bangladesh, West Pakistan and South East Asia. The Indian protest against American military and economic aid to Islamabad junta is certain have discernible effect on Nixon Administration. India has informed Washington that e considers such aid as hostile acts against India as Yahya's war threats were direct consequences of American support. The Indian denouncement is likely to have telling effects on American domestic politics. Nixon, by what now gradually appears to be a short-sighted policy, has alienated the largest democracy in the world but has gained-thing tangible yet from the Chinese front in return. While India is definitely moving it of the sphere of American influence, China is still sounding no less belligerent so far U. S. Imperialism is concerned. Nixon is yet to not any concrete gain to prove to the voters that Peking has been floored and the threat of revolutionary communism has been eliminated to justify the sacrifice of U. S. influence over India that was cultivated with so much sweat after Indo-Chinese border clash in 1962, China in her own interest may not concede an ideological sell-out to USA just to gain an entry at the United Nations without which she has been doing not so badly so far. Finally, comes the cruel treatment of the people of Bangladesh by President Nixon. Despite comparatively poor publicity of the genocidal crimes of Yahya junta in the United States politically conscious people in general were shocked by the way Nixon lined up with the murderers. This proved an added burden over a conscience already badly bruised over Vietnam. In his desperate attempt at getting a hold over the Chinese plum Nixon did not have the time even to use-publicity media to create opinion in favor of the Pakistani fascists, Now if Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is murdered as has been threatened by Yahya regime when Nixon could easily secure his personal safety and release, that would mean really the point of no return "him. With such a poor record Nixon would surely prove a very bad runner at the 1972 presidential elections.