পাতা:বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধ দলিলপত্র (সপ্তম খণ্ড).pdf/১২০

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বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধ দলিলপত্র : সপ্তম খণ্ড
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the world about happenings in Last Pakistan. The Indian Government began to utilize every coercive measure, including diplomatic offensives, armed infiltration and actual threats of invasion. This open interference in our internal affairs could have had very grave consequences but by the grace of God our armed forces soon brought the situation under control, destroying the anti-national elements. The nation proud of the armed forces who deserve all its admiration and appreciation. Let us on this occasion bow our heads in gratitude to the Almighty that our country has been saved from disintegration.

No fresh elections

 In my last address to the nation I had assured you that my man aim remained the transfer of power and I had further stated that I would take fresh steps towards the achievement of this aim. Let me at the outset say categorically that there is no question of holding fresh elections. The mischief of some misguided persons should not be allowed to nullity the entire results of the first-ever-election held in the country at enormous cost in terms of money, time and energy. I have banned the Awami League as a political-party. However, members-elect of the National Assembly and the Provincial Assemblies of this defunct party retain their status as such in their individual capacitics. I may, however, and that those clected members who have taken part in anti-state activities or have committed criminal acts, or have indulged in antisocial activities will be disqualified from membership of the National and Provincial Assemblies. I have not yet finally assessed the exact number of those who would be disqualified. After thorough investigation, a list of such persons will be published. Once this is done, vacancies caused would be filled through the usual method of by elections.

 In the meanwhile, I would ask those members of the National Assembly and members of the Provincial Assembly elect of the defunct Awami League, who had nothing to do with the secessionist policies of the ruling clique of that party and who are not guilty of any criminal acts in pursuance of such policies, or who have not committed atrocities against their fellow Pakistanis, to come forward and play their part in rebuilding the political structure in East Pakistan.


 After a close and careful study of the situation, particularly of recent happenings. I have come to the conclusion that the task of framing a constitution by an assembly is not feasible. In fact, the history of constitution making in our country is not very encouraging, nor a happy one. Two constituent assemblies took nine years to produce a constitution (that is from 1947 to 1956). Leaders of the country spent an inordinately long period of time on the floor of the legislature in trying to produce a constitution while urgent social and economic problems remained unattended and neglected. But the most regrettable phenomenon of constitution-making in Pakistan wan that it gave vent to all sorts of regional and parochial sentiments. In fact, constitution-making gave rise to the worst type of political bickering and intrigue, which threatened the very existence of our country. And when in the end they at last produced a constitution in 1956, it was the product of all sorts of conflicting compromises and expediencies. The result was the constitution was short lived and the country came under martial law from October 1958 to June 1962. After that the country was governed under a constitution which for well known reasons, was unpopular right from the start. There was great resentment and a