পাতা:বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধ দলিলপত্র (ত্রয়োদশ খণ্ড).pdf/৯৯৩

965 ংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধ দলিলপত্রঃ ত্রয়োদশ খন্ড merely to this area or that area, but to all areas. We are all committed to them, and we cannot separate these concepts merely because someone feels something ought to be done quickly after having slept on it for nine months. The second question I asked myself was: can se achieve it? I think we can achieve it. The Security Council has enough power to achieve it, but I rather doubt it will exercise that power. That power could have been exercised a long, long time ago. We are bogged down on the matter of internal jurisdiction, and so on an so forth, and there has been no attempt yet to date to have us look at the problem it its entirety and take suitable decisions. No, we are very anxious to get rid of a resolution somehow or other. Then I asked myself; how should we achieve it? Now, here is where my hesitation, reservations and protests come in. I should have thought, I repeat that any consideration of the question of cease-fire should require the parties who are fighting. I suppose it is not the intention of the Council that fighting between Pakistani soldiers and the people of East Pakistan should not be halted, and that violent massacres should go on all over the place, and that those who resist those massacres should be blamed for resting them. 1 should have thought that the intention of all men of good will would be to put an end to all hostilities. And we have just heard argues that the secessionist movement-I have again and again explained that aspect of the problem, and we do not have to dw2ell on it—that the Pakistani army can take whatever action it likes against helpless women, children and men, but they must not resist because that is immoral. That is why if wanted Bangladesh people to come and give us their view. But that has not happened. In this system of unrealism, can the Council really expect to come to any sensible decision? Now, let me explain very briefly what some of these realities are. Refugees are a reality. It is not a question of economic strain alone. I have explained that again and again, so I shall not go into that. But anyway, refugees are a reality. Genocide and oppression are realities. The intense desire of people to live their own lives, in their own ways is an overwhelming reality. There is no hope of Pakistan ever controlling these lives. Total collapse of all the administration of Government is a reality. The extinction of all civil rights is a reality. Armed conflicts of various kinds are realities. Provocation and aggression of various kinds by Pakistan from 25th March onwards is a reality. As a result, retaliation has followed in exercise of the right of self-defence, and we have warned that we shall exercise this right without hesitation. Recognition by India of Bangladesh is a reality. Bangladesh itself is a reality. If those who do not accept these realities of the facts on which these realities are based, they are entitled to do so. We are not here to convinced those who do not wish to be convinced. Those who do not wish to be convinced. Those who do not wish to see facts, nobody can make them see facts. As the saying goes, no one is so blind as the man who refuses ՏՅՅ. If we go against these realities, it is not India which will suffer but, I fear, the entire concept of the United Nations. We thank the Soviet Union, not because of the India-Soviet Treaty, but because it is one of the countries which has accepted these realities as