বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধ দলিলপত্র (দ্বাদশ খণ্ড)/৭৭
| শিরোনাম | সূত্র | তারিখ |
|---|---|---|
| যুক্তরাষ্ট্রের প্রেসিডেণ্ট নিক্সনের প্রতি প্রধানমন্ত্রী ইন্দিরা গান্ধীর চিঠি | ভারত সরকারের পররাষ্ট্র মন্ত্রণালয় | ১৫ ডিসেম্বর, ১৯৭১ |
RIGHTS OF 75 MILLION PEOPLE OF BANGLADESH TO LIFE, LIBERTY
AND PURSUIT OF HAPPINESS
Letter from Shrimati Indira Gadhi, Prime Minister of India,
to His Excellency Mr. Richard Nixon, President of the United States of America.
December 15, 1971.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT,
I am writing at a moment of deep anguish at the unhappy turn which the relations between our two countries have taken.
I am setting aside, all pride prejudice and passion and trying, as calmly as I can, to analyze once again the origins of the tragedy which is being enacted.
There are moments in history when brooding tragedy and its dark shadows can be lightened by recalling great moments of the past. One such great moment which has inspired millions of people to die for liberty was the Declaration stated that whenever any form of Government becomes destructive of man’s inalienable rights to life, liberty and pursuit of happiness, it was the right of the people to alter or abolish it.
All unprejudiced persons objectively surveying the grim events in Bangladesh since March 25 have recognized the revolt of 75 million people, an people who were forced to the conclusion that neither their life, nor their liberty, to say nothing of the possibility of have faithfully recorded the story. The most perceptive of American scholars who are knowledgeable about the affairs of this sub-continent revealed the anatomy of East Bengal’s frustrations.
The tragic war, which is continuing could have been averted if during the nine months prior to Pakistan attack on us on December 3, the great leaders of the world had paid some attention to the fact of revolt, tried to see the realty of the situation and searched for a genuine basis for reconciliation. I wrote letters along these lines. I undertook a tour in quest of peace at a time when it was extremely difficult to leave the country in the hope of presenting to some of the leaders of the world the situation as I saw it. It was heart-breaking to find that while there was sympathy for the poor refugees, the disease itself was ignored.
War could also have been avoided if the power, influence and authority of all the States, and above all of the United States, had got Sheikh Mujibur Rahman released. Instead, we were told that a civilian administration was being installed. Everyone knows that this civilian administration was a farce; today the farce has turned into a tragedy.
Lip service was paid to the need for a political solution, but not a single worthwhile step was taken to bring this about. Instead, the rulers of West Pakistan went ahead holding farcical elections to seats which had been arbitrarily declared vacant.
There was not even a whisper that anyone from the outside world had tried to have contact with Mujibur rahman. Our carnest plea that sheikh Mujibour Rahman should be released, or that, even if he were to be kept under detention, contact with him might be established, was not considered practical on the ground that the U.S. could not urge policies which might lead to the overthrow of President Yahya Khan. While the United States recognized that Mujib was a core factor in the situation and that unquestionably in the long run Pakistan must acquiesce in the direction of greater autonomy for East Pakistan, arguments were advanced to demonstrate the fragility of the situation and of Yahya Khan’s difficulty.
Mr. President, may I ask you in all sincerity: Was the release or reven secret negotiations with a single human being, namely, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman more disastrous than the waging of a war?
The fact of the matter is that the rulers of West Pakistan got away with the impression that they could do what they liked because no one, not even the United States, would choose to take a public position that while Pakistan’s integrity was certainly sacrosanct, human rights, liberty were no less so and that there was a necessary interconnection between the inviolability of states and the con contentment of their people.
Mr. President despite the continued defiance by the rulers of Pakistan of the most elementary facts of life, we would still have tried our hardest to restrain the mounting pressure as we had for nonc long nine month, and war could have been prevented had the rulers of Pakistan not launched a massive attack on us by bombing our airfields in Amirtsar, Pathankot, Srinagar, Avantitpur, Uttarlai, Jodhpur, Ambala and Agra in the broad day light on December 3, 1971 at a time when I was away in Calcutta, my colleague, the Defense Minister, was in Patna and was due to leave further for Bangalore in the south and another senior colleague of mine, the Finance Minister, was in Bombay. The fact that this initiative was taken at this particular time of our absence from the Capital showed perfidious intentions. In the face of this, could we simply sit back trusting that the rulers of Pakistan or those who were advising them had peaceful, constructive and reasonable intent?
We are asked what we want. We seek nothing for ourselves. We do not want any territory of what was East Pakistan and now constitutes Bangla desh. We do not want any territory of West Pakistan. We do want lasting peace with Pakistan. But will Pakistan give up its ceaseless and yet pointless agitation of the last 24 years over Kashmir? Are they willing to give up their hate campaign and posture of perpetual hostility towards India? How many times in the last 24 years have my father and I offered a Pact of Non-aggression to Pakistan? It is matter of recorded history that each time such offer was made, Pakistan rejected it out of hand.
We are deeply hurt by the innuendos and insinuations that it was we who have precipitated the crisis and have in any way thwarted the emergence of Solutions. I do not really know who is responsible for this calumny. During my visit to the United States United Kingdom, France, Germany, Austria and Belgium, the point I emphasized publicly as well as privately was the immediate need for a political settlement. We waited nine months for it. When Dr. Kissinger came in August 1971, I had emphasized to him the importance of seeking an early political settlement. But we have not received, even to this day, the barest framework of a settlement which would take into account the facts as they are and not as we imagine them to be.
Be that as it may it is my earnest and sincere hope that with all the knowledge and deep understanding of human affairs you, as President of the United States and reflecting the will, the aspirations and idealism of the great American People, will at least let me know where precisely we have gone wrong before your representatives or spokesmen deal with us with such harshness of language,
With regards and best wishes,