বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধ দলিলপত্র (প্রথম খণ্ড)/৩
| শিরোনাম | সূত্র | তারিখ |
| মুসলিম লীগ নেতৃত্বের মনোভাব ও ভূমিকার প্রতিবাদে দল থেকে পদত্যাগের প্রশ্নে লিয়াকত আলী খানকে লিখিত ফজলুল হকের চিঠি[১] | দৈনিক স্টেটসম্যান সূত্রঃ অমলেন্দু দে—পাকিস্তান প্রস্তাব ও ফজলুল হক পৃঃ ১০৫ ও শীলা সেন, মুসলিম পলিটিক্স ইন বেঙ্গল’ |
৮ই সেপ্টেম্বর, ১৯৪১ |
ফজলুল হক লিয়াকত আলির নিকট লিখিত পত্রে যে দৃঢ় মনোভাব ব্যক্ত করেন তার কিছু অংশ এখানে উদ্ধৃত করা হলঃ “But before I conclude I wish to record a most emphatic protest against the manner in which the interests of the Moslems of Bengal and the Punjab arc being imperiled by Moslem leaders of the Provinces where the Moslems are in a minority popularly known among Moslems as the minority provinces of India. Except in Bengal and the Punjab which together account for nearly 50 millions of Moslems and nearly 50 percent of the total Moslem population of India, the remaining 50 millions of Moslems are scattered throughout the continent in such a manner that they are in a most hopeless minority in the so-called minority provinces, in some cases the Moslem minority dwindling to about 4 or 5 per cent of the population. It is evident that these Moslem brethren of ours can never hope to be in the enjoyment of even an effective voice in the administration, leave alone the prospect of their ever being in power. It is conceivable that they cannot realize, nor even imagine, the advantages of the Moslem community being in a dominant position in the administration of Bengal and the Punjab. Nor do they realize the responsibilities of the Moslem premiers of those provinces. Naturally enough they think that just as all their own political prospects are bleak and barren, even so is the case with the Moslems of Bengal and the Punjab. Naturally, enough they do not care for the repercussions on the politics of the Moslems of Bengal and the Punjab of any decision they may take with regard to Moslem India as a whole. I would ask the Moslem leaders of the minority provinces to remember that if they meddle too much with the politics of the majority provinces, they will do so at the peril of the interest of the entire Moslem community of India. For my part, I will never allow the interest of 33 millions of the Moslems of Bengal to be put under the domination of any outside authority however eminent it may be.
"At the present moment I have a feeling that Bengal does not count much in the counsels of political leaders outside our province, although we constitute more than 1/3 of the total Moslem population of India. Even in this controversy, the leaders of the minority provinces never cared to take into in consideration my particular responsibilities and difficulties and wanted to drown my voice with meaningless slogans which may suit their own conditions of political helplessness, but which are utterly unsuited to the conditions prevailing in my province. I was condemned before I could put before the President my point of view."
Fazlul Huq's Letter to Liaquat Ali Khan, Secretary, All-India Muslim League, dated 8 September, 1941.
Early in July Viceroy asked me through my Governor to serve on National Defense Council as Premier of Bengal representing this Province. I assented feeling this to be my duty. I knew I was selected in official capacity as Premier so no objection could possibly arise. I was surprised to read statement from League President as soon as personnel of Council was announced that he considered action of myself and other League members so objectionable that he must consider what action should be taken to express his disapproval of our conduct. I issued statement explaining position and contending that Premiers were selected in official capacity and therefore could not refuse to serve. I thought position was clear and clamour caused by President's statement would subside: but I was amazed to read President's statement dated 30th July declaring that it had been decided to take disciplinary action. There was no ambiguity in language and words used indicated accomplished fact. I maintain this action of President was highly unconstitutional. Despite Madras resolution he should never have done anything without hearing our explanation. I also maintain that his subsequent decision to refer matter to Working Committee was meaningless. Working Committee had no alternative but to endorse President's action as refusal would have amounted to vote of no confidence in President, contingency that Working Committee were not prepared to face. Committee therefore passed resolution calling upon me to resign unconditionally from National Defense Council.
2. President apparently received communication from Viceroy through Bombay Governor on 21st July intimating Premiers had been approached to serve on Defence Council in certain capacity. Whether we were selected as Premiers or as representative men, President knew of our selection at least one day before names were published. It was his clear duty to inform us by telegram or by telephone of his disapproval and that he would like us to resign from Defense Council, he might even have hinted that if we did not resign he would be obliged to take disciplinary action against us. But instead he waited till names were published and then announced decision to take disciplinary action; even ordinary courtesy required a warning before such announcement. His procedure placed us in extremely awkward position, he gave us an opportunity of explanation and took us unawares as if anxious to make public exhibition of his authority; he thus converted simple affair into complicated political problem.
3. I maintain that acceptance of membership of Defense Council in no way involves breach of League's principle or policy. League last year rejected Viceroy's offer to form expanded War Council composed of Indian states and representatives of various political parties but Defense Council consists of Indian states and representatives of various Provinces. This makes fundamental difference and membership of Defense Council therefore does not come within mischief of League resolution. Despite President's declaration that we were selected as Muslim representatives, I maintain that we were selected as Premiers. From this point of view also membership of Defense Council does not involve violation of League principles and policy. Further, since outbreak of war, I have been taking keenest interest in promoting war efforts and using official and non- official position to induce people of Bengal to cooperate in support thereof. Hitherto President has not expressed disapproval of my extensive activities in aid of war efforts but has even allowed prominent Muslim League leaders to act likewise throughout India.
4. Having regard to my provincial war activities my membership of Defense Council pales into insignificance; I consider it absurd that I should be called upon to non-cooperate with Government of India at centre.. On merits I maintain President's action ratified by Working Committee was unjustified. I do not admit that my acceptance of membership of Council has disapproval of majority of Muslim community of India or of Bengal Muslims. Outside Province there is large volume of public opinion in my favor. President's action throughout has been unfair and unconstitutional and I have done nothing contrary to interests of Muslim community: charge that by accepting membership of Council I have created a situation which may lead to split in ranks of Muslim India is baseless. I therefore find no justification for resiling from my original decision to stick to membership of Council despite view of President and Working Committee.
5. But there are other matters to be taken into consideration. President's indiscreet and hasty announcement creating feeling in Muslim minds that we have accepted membership of Council from personal interests or to oblige high officials has produced most baneful consequences. Very few of present generation of Muslim politicians know services I have rendered to League of Muslim Community, without wishing to be boastful I have no cause to be ashamed of my record as a leader in cause of Islam and Indian Muslims. I emphatically declare that I am not being hampered in any way by high officials from exercising my independent judgment. I have been faced by embarrassing dilemma. I feel I ought to adhere to Council, but I also feel that continuance, therein especially after other Premiers have vacated their seats would lead to split in ranks of Indian Muslims. In such event I would be held responsible for situation and responsibility may also be thrown on other personage who have not had slightest desire to interfere in these matters but whose detachment is not within knowledge of public.
6. In these circumstances I feel that no useful purpose would be served by my being member of National Defense Council; I am therefore going to request Viceroy through Governor to give me leave to tender resignation. In taking this step I have had before me sole desire to avoid conflict in ranks not merely of Muslim League but also of Indian Muslim community. My reason for resignation thus differs from Sir Sikanders. He alleged to have resigned because he felt convinced he had acted under misconception of facts. I resign because though convinced I was right in accepting membership of Council, my continuance therein would jeopardize interests of community. Sir Sikander feels he was wrong and has rectified mistake; I feel I was right but cannot continue member in view of possible consequences. I am thus deliberately accepting position which militates against my own judgment, in desire to avoid greater evil of domestic feud at time when we should close our ranks for great task ahead of defending best interests of community and country.
7. I protest emphatically against manner in which Bengal and Punjab Muslim interests are being imperiled by Muslim leaders of Minority Provinces'. Muslim brethren in minority provinces can never hope to enjoy effective voice in administration let alone power. They cannot imagine advantages of dominant position of Muslim community in administration of Bengal and Punjab. They neither realize responsibilities of Muslim Premiers of these Provinces nor care for repercussions on politics of Bengal and Punjab Muslims of their decisions for Muslim India as a whole. They should not meddle too much with politics of majority provinces. At present I feel that Bengal does not count much in counsels of political leaders outside province, though we constitute more than one third of total Muslim population of India. My crities prejudge and condemn me without knowing facts and forgot my lifelong services to Muslim community. I confidently hope that political dictators in future will act with greater foresight so as to prevent creation of situation from which escape can be affected only by course of action which is revolting to sound sense or even conscience.
8. It follows that I cannot continue to be member of Working Committee of All India Muslim League. As mark of protest against arbitrary use of powers vested in President I resign from membership of Working Committee and Council of All India Muslim League. I cannot usefully continue to be member of body which shows scant courtesy to provincial leaders and arrogates to itself functions which ought to be exercised by provincial executive. In matters under discussion President should have referred question to decision of Provincial Muslim League. He has signally failed to discharge heavy responsibility of office in constitutional and reasonable manner. In tendering resignation I should like to enter caveat that recent events have forcibly brought home to me that principles of democracy and autonomy in All-India Muslim League are being subordinated to arbitrary wishes of single individual who seeks to rule as omnipotent authority even over destiny of 33 millions in Bengal who occupy key position in Indian Muslim politics.
- ↑ Source: Letter of A.K Fazlul Huq, cated 8 September 1941, addressed to the Secretary of the All-India Muslim League. Vide statesman, 11 September, 1941