বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধ দলিলপত্র (প্রথম খণ্ড)/৯২
| শিরোনাম | সূত্র | তারিখ |
|---|---|---|
| এক ইউনিট প্রশ্নে বিতর্ক | পাকিস্তান গণপরিষদ | আগষ্ট-সেপ্টেম্বর, ১৯৫৫ |
Excerpts from the Speech by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman 011 one-Unit Bill in the Constituted Assembly of Pakistan, 25th August 1955.
······Sir, you will see that they want to place the words “East Pakistan instead of “East Bengal”. We have demanded so many times that you should make it Bengal (Pakistan). The word “Bengal” has a history, has a tradition of its own. You can change it only after the people have been consulted. If you want to change it then we will have to go back to Bengal and ask them whether they accept it. So far as the question of one-Unit is concerned it can come in the Constitution. Why do you want it to take up just now? What about the State Language, Bengali? What about joint electorate? What about autonomy? The people of East Bengal will be prepared to consider one Unit with all these things. So I appeal to my friends on that side to allow the people to give their verdict in any way, in the form of referendum or in the form of plebiscite. Let the people of Frontier say that they want one Unit. At the moment they say that they are against it But Dr. Khan Sahib said the other day that people were in favor of one Unit, but his brother Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Pir Shahib of Manki Sharif said that they were against it. Now, who will judge it? Who should be the judge? If the people of the Frontier say that they are in favor of one-Unit, we have no objection to that. Similarly in Sind, Mr. Khuhro says that they are in favor of it, while Mr. G.M. Syed and others say that people are against one-Unit. All right, if they are in favor let a referendum be held and let the people decide themselves and we will accept it.
As far as Karachi is concerned, there should be no referendum in Karachi because it is the Federal Capital made by Quaid-e-Azam and we will not allow people to insult Quaid-e-Azam and the late Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan. We have no right to take Karachi from the people of Karachi and from the people of East Pakistan. It belongs to us also as it belongs to other parts of Pakistan. We have spent so much money for its development. Why do you want to make another capital and spend hundreds and thousands of rupees and for which you will require at least 50 years.
For these reasons. I appeal to my friends “Zulum mat karo Bhai” (Do not be so cruel). If you will force it upon us then we have to adopt unconstitutional means. You must proceed constitutionally. If you do not allow the people to follow constitutional means, they will perforce adopt unconstitutional means. That is what has happened all over the world and it can be seen from the history of world. So I appeal to them: if you love Pakistan: though unfortunately after the achievement of Pakistan, you are at the helm of affairs and those people who fought for its establishment are no more with us.
So, I will appeal to you, although you have got force at your disposal, that for the sake of Pakistan, for the sake of democracy, for the sake of humanity, for the sake of Quaid-e-Azam, go to the people, let the people give their verdict and we will accept it.
26th August, 1995
Mian Mumtaz Mohammad Khan Daultana (Punjab: Muslim)........... Now, Sir, there is another argument which I really hesitate to deal with; it is a perverse and malicious argument; it is an argument that the integration of West Pakistan is a counterblast against Bengal. Now, Sir I think it was some vague realization, some confused apprehension of some such fear that gave rise to the curious argument presented by my dear friend, Mr. Fazlur Rahman. Mr. Fazlur Rahman's mathematics is. in fact, a type of mathematics which I have not learnt in my school. He said that if you want unity in Pakistan, you can have it through one Pakistan, that is, through Unitary government or you can equally well have it through a Pakistan divided in eleven Units, but if you only have two parts, then Pakistan is demolished, disrupted, broken up. Sir. this is something which I cannot really understand. But I think at the back of his mind was some fear like this: Bengal is one united province; now by consolidating West Pakistan in one Province, is there some design, some desire to fight out battles, to grapple issues by marshalling one united unit against another already united unit. Sir, if you begin to think in these terms, there is no end to it. But I can tell you, Sir, that in all honesty T view the establishment of one Unit, amongst other things, as a deliberate attempt to meet the national demand of Bengal for Provincial autonomy. It has its other advantages but to a political man, to the members of this Constituent Assembly, particularly, perhaps one of the advantages that will most clearly present itself, perhaps the most happy consumption of all will be that it will provide a solution which will enable us to form a Constitution, strictly in accord with the demands and wishes of the people of Bengal. Then, Sir, our Bengal members must realize that the prosperity of a part is the prosperity of the whole. If a part withers away, if a part falls into internecine turmoil, if a part lives in conflict, if a part ultimately succumbs to disorder, confusion and decay, then the effect of that will also have its consequences for the solidarity and strength of Bengal. I assure you Sir, that if the integration of West Pakistan will make the people of West Pakistan more prosperous, if it will make as more capable of developing our resources, of responding to our potentialities, then the wealth gained, the strength achieved will really be the wealth and strength of Bengal. I assure my Bengali brothers that all of us when we think in political terms, we think in terms that completely include them as part and parcel of ourselves. In fact, I think that we who live in West Pakistan may not be able to see things with the same clear vision, we may not be able to rise so completely above provincial, parochial and racial jealousies, and in fact, we look to the people of Bengal who can show that larger vision which comes from grappling a problem sym-pathetically from a distance and I am sure that very soon, in this spirit the integration of West Pakistan will become as much a national slogan for the people of Bengal as it is for the people of West Pakistan.
31st August, 1995
Mr. Abul Mansur Ahmed: There is a suspicion also in the minds of the people of East Pakistan. You remember. Sir, that the people of East Pakistan accepted the principle of parity in all respects. This was a great sacrifice on the part of the people of East Pakistan because they are actually in a majority and they shall continue to remain in a majority for another two or three decades. There was an apprehension in the minds of some people in the West that the people of East Pakistan would dominate over West Pakistan merely on account of their numerical superiority. That is the apprehension which was allowed to grow in the minds of the people of West Pakistan including the political leaders by the shortsighted policies of the Muslim League leaders of East Pakistan. They behaved in such a way that suspicion was bound to grow in the minds of the people here as well as in the minds of their leaders, that these people from East Pakistan wanted to dominate over them by their numerical superiority. In order to clear the minds of the people and political leaders of West Pakistan we from East Pakistan at once came forward with this liberal offer: if you want us to accept parity, we accept it. We never wanted to dominate over you by our numerical “superiority.” Sir when we accepted parity, we believed that it is the genuine demand of the leaders and the people of West Pakistan that we should accept parity in all respects. We wanted to remove the suspicion of domination from the minds of the people of West Pakistan. That is what prompted us to accept that parity. Now in a House of 80 we are 40. Previously we were 44 in a House of 74. We sacrificed this superiority only to show that we did not want domination. But, Sir, what has been done by our Punjabi brothers at the first opportunity got by them? What they have done is to give a go-bye to all the sense of propriety, all sense of fair play and well established convention, now they have taken both of the two highest posts in the State into their pocket............. Sir, I was just referring to the fact how the suspicion has arisen in the minds of the people. It has arisen in their minds due to this haphazard way in which this bill is being rushed through. They say. Sir, which the people are behind it, the entire people are behind it and therefore they do not like to refer it back for circulation. Why don't they hold public meetings anywhere within a short period of time I charged my learned erstwhile leader Dr. Khan Shahib in Murree to go to the Frontier Province and address public meetings I know he is not afraid of the people; he has been a veteran leader and is held in high esteem by the people of the Frontier province........... I am very glad to see that Dr. Khan Shahib has begun to feel the importance of my argument and has begun to address his people, but other leaders occupying Ministerial gaddi, as also the Honorable Sardar Amir Azam Khan who is piloting this Bill don't go to their own provinces and address public meetings..................
I have already referred Sir, why the people of East Bengal have become suspicious of late about the bonafides of the ruling Junta of Karachi. Sir, we have seen very recently how the interest and wishes of the people of Bengal have been ignored on the question of division of powers and parity; how the salutary convention that had grown in Pakistan for the last eight years with regard to the appointment of Governor-General and the Prime Minister from two wings has been broken at the very first opportunity Sir, apart from the all that has been struck on the head of the people of East Pakistan on many issues, again, Sir, Karachi is being taken away from them and is being handed over to West Pakistan.......................... I shall refer you to a statistical bulletin published by the Central Government-not the East Bengal Government because when my honorable friend Mr. Abdul Rahman Khan was referring to a Statistical Bulletin of East Bengal there was laughter on the other side as if East Bengal Government is not a Government at all. Sir, I am this time confronting them with the Statistical Bulletin, Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Economic Affairs, Central Statistical Office. April 1955, Vol. 3, No. IV, published by the Manager of Publication, Karachi
In today's report it has come out that the Muslim League Party has agreed that for the time being Karachi City will remain to be centrally administered but other parts will be merged in West Pakistan.
Mr. Speaker: Honorable Member is not entitled to refer to any newspaper reports in this House.
Mr. Abul Mansur Ahmad: All right. I will not refer to it. Sir, what is Karachi City? We are concerned with the Province of Karachi, Chief Commissioner's Province of Karachi. We are not concerned with the Karachi City. We are not concerned with some buildings here or there. We are concerned with the factories, mills, workshops, ammunition factories, etc that have grown up around Karachi during these eight I am referring to pages 361, 434, 453 and 454. I have typed these pages for anybody's consultation. East Pakistan has during these four years earned 312 crores in the shape of foreign exchange, whereas West Pakistan has earned only 295 crores. This is the figure which was given by my friend Mr. Abdur Rahman. It may appear that the difference is not very wide. Difference between 312 crores and 295 crores is only 17 crores. That is not all ........ Sir, what is shocking is that East Bengal was allowed to spend 163 crores whereas West Pakistan spend 468 crores........... The entire wealth of East Pakistan is controlled from Karachi. Imports of Commodities, Consumers' articles are ordered from Karachi. The part of East Pakistan representatives that this integration was a counterblast against East Pakistani numerical Superiority.
Sir, I would have been very glad, in fact I was glad to believe in the sincerity of most of the leaders of West Pakistan, that there is no attempt at counterblast. We never said that it was a counterblast. But, Sir, when Mian Mumtaz Daultana uncalled for says that it is not a counterblast it reminds me of a Bengali Proverb:
Thakur Gharey Kay? Ami Kala Khai Na.
An Honorable Member: Please translate
Mr. Abul Mansur Ahmad: I would translate it for the benefit of my non Bengali brothers but, Sir, I would remind you that Mr. Mumtaz Daultana refused to translate an Urdu Poem for our benefit.
The English translation is this: There was someone inside the temple; the priest or someone asked: “Who is there?” The person inside replied, “I do not eat bananas.” Sir, as in his story, it gives rise to suspicion in our minds that when Mian Mumtaz Daultana says that it is not a counterblast it reminds me today of that banana-eater and I feel that it must be a counterblast. Therefore, Sir, it is a counterblast. Sir, I submitted yesterday that this is against all sense of faimess, all sense of fair play, all sense of justice, that a convention which was allowed to grow around the practice of filling the two highest positions in the State from two religions has been broken. All this has been given a good-bye by this recent act-unjust, unfair, improper and undemocratic act-which has given rise again to that suspicion which all patriotic Pakistani Citizens want to eliminate and remove from the minds of all concerned..........
Sir, it has been contended by the other side that Karachi has been built from the wealth of West Pakistan. I shall not refer in this connection to the bulletin published by the East Bengal Government which appears to have been ridiculed by my friends opposite. Therefore, with your Permission, I condemned this book published by Central Government to my friends on the other side which will show that out of 312 crores of Foreign Exchange earned by East Pakistan, East Pakistan was allowed to spend only 163 crores, the balance was brought to the credit of West Pakistan and spent here, and this has continued for four years.........
Sir, in considering the case of Karachi, we should not only consider the money spent and money earned. But, Sir, we should take into consideration that while we partitioned ourselves away from India we had practically no Muslim Industrialists; industrialists used to be Hindus. Muslims were only tradesmen or businessmen. These pepple came to Karachi:' they assembled at Karachi, began business as tradesmen and earned profit, not only 6 or 25 % but 300, 400 or 500 percent in the beginning or three or four years, i.e., 1947, 1948, 1949 and 1950. These profits were earned by black marketing and otherwise and they became big capitalists and with that capital they have erected mills-Cotton Mills, Jute Mills-near and around Karachi. Where did this profit of 500 percent come from? This evidently came from the consumers, and, Sir, where are those consumers? They are mostly East Pakistanis. Not only this, Sir, but our foreign exchange earnings were spent on the imports of foreign consumer goods, meant certainly also for East Pakistan. But you know, Sir, all such imports were brought in Karachi at the first instance and then they were re-exported to Chittagong and for this terrible state of affairs I will refer you to page 434 of this bulletin. It shows that during one period alone 18 lakhs and 12 thousand tons of goods were exported from Karachi to Chittagong and from Chittagong to Karachi only 2 lakhs 55 thousands were exported leaving a margin of 16 lakhs. What, Sir, will you think those commodities were? 16 lakh tons of articles exported from Karachi to Chittagong, were they manufactured articles, or were they salts? No Sir, we have eaten salt at Rs. 16 per seer in East Pakistan. You remember it well. Thanks to those in authority now who were also then in power. What I want to point out is this that these were the consumer goods which were imported from foreign countries for the benefit of the people of Pakistan, both East and West but they were at the first instance brought to Karachi because the dealers and, the permit holders here all known to the officials of Government. You must remember, Sir that on the eve of our departure from Dacca for Karachi the other day on the 22nd of last month, we purchased Scissors Cigarettes at 71/2 annas at Dacca whereas it was selling at Karachi at 51/2 annas. This is the difference in price of commodities in two wings of Pakistan...... Then Sir, I would cite you another instance of most essential articles, such as medicines: Scots
Emulsion and Glaxo are sold at Dacca at a much higher rate than at Karachi. The whole sale rate at Chittagong and the wholesale rate at Karachi varies from 6 per cent to 12 per cent. That is the variation that is the difference. Why, Sir? Because articles imported from foreign countries by the exchange, by our foreign exchange earned by our jute, are in the first instance brought to Karachi for the benefit not of the people but for the benefit of some dealers who earn profit here in one point and then in another point at Chittagong. They earn twice, while the Government earns customs duty only once. Therefore, Sir, this Karachi has been built up from the wealth earned by East Pakistan. Now, Sir, I will refer you to another point. Step-motherly treatment has been moted out to the majority people of Pakistan by persons who were in power and who are in power now the people as you know, Sir, by their free franchise have dislodged them from East Pakistan gaddi but they have not been able to do that here. They continue to be in power and, Sir, we do not know what we shall get from them. There has been no re-orientation of their policy towards East Pakistan, towards the People of West Pakistan. We are greatly suspicious about their movements. We were rightly and sincerely inspired by a genuine feeling of equality which brought us together and closer to each other and, Sir, we on the East, this time after accepting parity, showed to our friends on the West that we are ready to accept the Constitution on the basis of equality in every respect and we accepted that the capital can remain away from us leaving all the benefits accruing from the neighborhood and the nearness to the Capital to our Western brothers. We are always deprived of that benefit physically and geographically Sir, we are unanimous in voicing our demand that regional autonomy should be given both to West Pakistan and East Pakistan. Sir, again I bring you back to the provisions made in clause 4 which, as I have already submitted, is a replica of section 9 of Indian Independence Act, 1947 that all powers should be given to Governor-General for an indefinite period. No mention of autonomy has been made. There is no possibility of having it if this Bill is accepted by this House. Sir this has given rise to a suspicion, a bona fide and genuine suspicion, in the minds of the people of East Pakistan because we believed the demand of integration of West Pakistan was a demand of the people for they said that this would enable West Pakistan to put themselves on the same footing with ourselves of the East Pakistan. We are one region, the entire East Pakistan is one compact geographical and political unit, let West Pakistan also get itself into one compact political area so that we should be two brothers, two eyes of Pakistan, two ears of Pakistan, two hands of Pakistan. How beautifully said, how nicely described- that let us be two hands, two eyes, two nostrils, two ears of Pakistan So that we may depend on each other. How beautiful! But, Sir, we find that arrangements have been made, attempts are being made, to give no democratic rights, no autonomy to West Pakistan People. Instead of democracy they are giving to West Pakistan people an “officiocracy”. West Pakistan people must think that if they are not granted regional autonomy, naturally East Pakistan people will not get autonomy. We cannot claim autonomy alone we cannot take ourselves away from our West Pakistan brethren and say that leave aside the question of granting autonomy, for the present, to West Pakistan, but give us autonomy. Or we cannot say that let it be decided afterwards. No; Sir, we are not one of those. We, the East Pakistan people, shall not have autonomy unless we can make those in power grant autonomy to West Pakistan people also....... One wing of Pakistan to have democracy and the other “officiocracy”-that cannot be the position.
Therefore, Sir, these two wings must be put on the same level, with the same rights and same powers. As soon as this Bill is passed, as soon as the integration is pushed through this packed House with its steam-roller of the majority, then what happens? It is finally imposed upon the unwilling people of West Pakistan. Imposition means force; force means power. Therefore, the Governor-General must be endowed with power-without any semblance of democracy and for an indefinite period to give effect to this plan. Therefore, as soon as this is done there will be utterances made towards East Pakistan people by our learned leaders, the Prime Minister and the Governor-General over Radio Pakistan: “Oh! ye people of East Pakistan! Wait for some time; we are busy managing West Pakistan. As soon as we shall have finished this, we shall surely grant whatever you want.” That is the scheme of things that they want to rush through. Therefore, we have grown suspicions and we cannot in the interest of democracy and autonomy of both the wings of Pakistan and in the interest of the people allow this Bill to be rushed through in this manner without reference to public opinion.
6th September 1955
Mr. Ataur Rahman Khan (East Bengal: Muslim): Mr. Speaker, Sir, at the outset I want to congratulate Sardar Abdur Rashid for the brave and the most sincere speech that he has delivered today in this House. (Hear, hear). He has exposed the ruling Coterie's game for the last few months. He has exposed to the House the nature of those people who are at the helm of affairs of this country. .Sir, Mr. Daultana had said the other that the integration of West Pakistan provinces into one Unit will revolutionize the mind but I think myself completely revolutionized after have heard Mr. Rashid this morning. I feel that all the ideas and all the thoughts that came into my mind before have all changed and we have got to restart afresh our thinking and our working in this August House.... when we have heard Sardar Rashid, each and every member should think 100 times as to whether he should go on with this work of integrating the provinces of West Pakistan into one unit? Because, what is it? .It is the outcome of a conspiracy, a plan well laid out for the purpose of vested interests, for the purpose of the benefit of the Coterie which has been ruling or misruling the country for the last eight years. Sir, I tell you a few things also, a few assurances that were given to us by which we have had to change our views in East Pakistan. You, Sir, know that for the last eight years, we have been fighting against the idea of parity. We do not believe in parity. We believe in democracy. We believe in representation of the people, the principle that we possess and preached in East Bengal. Be it majority or minority they should rule the country. Now, Sir, I address you personally to think as a man of Bengal. Can you say that a man of Bengal has got any confidence in the leaders of West Pakistan, I mean the Central leaders? No, not one soul, you will find, who has any confidence in these leaders. For the last eight years they have broken all the provinces, they have shattered all their hopes and aspirations and they have shattered the very root of our confidence. No one has got any confidence in them. Now, Sir, after long eight years, when the Constituent Assembly was dissolved and a new Constituent Assembly has come into existence we are trying to think in a different manner, trying to remove all the mistrust that we and people in East Bengal have had and trying to start with fabula rasa, a clean state, in order to hurry up with the framing of the Constitution, all our hopes have again been shattered during the last few days. Why? It is very clear. The same game which has been pervading the minds of the leaders for the last eight years is being played again. They have not forsaken that game You know. Sir......... very well what were our demands. All our demands have been legitimate, reasonable. I take one example. For instance, this question of state languageBengali to be one of the State languages of Pakistan................... It is the desire and will, legitimate and reasonable claim of 4 crores and 20 lakhs of people of East Bengal, which has been trampled down. Nobody had shown any regard for that. Not even a good. gesture has ever been made. People have died for that. People have been killed by the Muslim League coterie there. A large number of youthful, valiant, chivalrous young boys laid their lives on the 21st or 22nd of February, 1952, in support of the language, their mother tongue. They did not disregard Urdu. They did not refuse Urdu as one of the State languages of Pakistan as was misunderstood by so many people here also, that these gentlemen are against Urdu. Urdu was never disregarded by us. We say Urdu and Bengali should be the State languages of Pakistan. Even after the great and supreme sacrifice that the young people of our country have made, the movement is going on. This idea is in the heart of everyone, every child, every boy, every man and woman in Bengal shall have Bengali as one of the State languages of Pakistan. Now what is the attitude of the people here-a complete condemnation and disregard. They did not consider it worthwhile. I will tell you one single instance about the attitude of the mind of the people. I was in Lahore with Moulana Bhashani. Moulana Bhashani was lying on a Khat and I was just saying my prayers by the side of his Khat. In the meantime three or four gentlemen came. They were leaders of the Punjab-not leaders like Mr. Gurmani or Mr. Daultana. They were leaders of the public opinion in Punjab. They came to me and said, “Mr. Ataur Rahman, it seems that you are a Muslim because you are saying prayer and:
“To yell Bangla wangla ki bat chhoro.”
(Then brother, give up this talk of Bengali.)
I was surprised to find this. That means that if I am a Musalman and say my prayers and call the name of Allah, I should not be allowed to talk about Bengali language. You say that Bengali is a language of Hindu culture. Who told you that? I had a long discussion on this issue with Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, lasting for ninety minutes; I had almost a fight with him for about 90 minutes. He was also saying the same thing. I said that you have been completely misinformed about it; you do not know anything about it. Our people who came to Karachi must have misreported and must have been given a wrong impression about the Bengali language, its development, its origin and its culture and its exposition. He said it might be.
Don't you realize when you go over to East Bengal, how we are neglected; how that language is trampled down; no regard is paid to that language. Take even small things. At the Airport of Dacca the announcements are made in English and Urdu as if no Bengali travels by air; have 'you ever marked it? Not a word is uttered in Bengali and things are announced either in English or in Urdu. Then look at the Passports. I think, Sir, you have got a passport yourself. There is inscription in English, in Urdu and even in French but, there not a word in Bengali...........Then take the forms and records. They are either in English or in Urdu-not a word of Bengali language. In the matter of currency apologetically one word is written in Bengali. What do we find in the National Anthemnot one word is there of Bengali! No translation is possible! What do we find in the official gazette? In the Dacca Gazette also there is not a word of Bengali. In this office we have the Seal of “Majlis-i-Dastur Saz” and the “Constituent Assembly of Pakistan” and again there is not a word of Bengali. If there is English as also Urdu, why not an additional language........... All this shows a complete disregard to the sentiments of the people and a total absence of sympathy for the language as also to those people who fell as martyrs and whom you prefer to call as rioter. Call them by any name but you did not dare to hold a proper enquiry into the matter. You know how that matter came up before Mr. Ellis. A tribunal was set up and the terms of reference said whether the firing was justified. We appealed to the Government and to all other persons to bring within the scope of the enquiry all the relevant matters. Nothing was done and the judgment of Mr. Ellis was that firing was justified. That is all. That was not the point of issue. The point at issue was whether section 144 or any other Government order passed on that memorable day.. whether that was justified and a legal order. That was never done It was said that the claim of the Bengali language will be recognized before we actually frame the constitution; the fullest regional autonomy to East Bengal; the question of one Unit: Joint electorates. It was said all these things will be done together as the basis for Constitution.
Dr. S. K. Sen (East Bengal: General): There was an agreement on the Point.
Mr. Ataur Rahman Khan: That agreement has not been signed by the people in Power. They refuse. It does not behoove them. Now it does not lie in their mouth to say that you agreed to a thing and now you are going back. Mr. Aziz Din's strongest argument was that Mr. Suhrawardy had supported it. Is that a crime? He says that such and such gave this statement or that statement. Yes, Sir, we have a right to refuse under the changed circumstances-when the very basis of the agreement has broken down. We have now no legs to stand. We have got to revise our decision. A scheme-whatever it may be-cannot be good or bad in absolute terms. You have to see to the attendant circumstances...
As I was telling you about parity, I must mention, Sir, that for the last eight years we fought against parity; we did not want parity; it is no basis of democracy; it is an arrangement we have been fighting against. Ultimately when we found we must have an agreed Constitution and that Constitution was to be based on federal scheme. We came to the conclusion that we must have parity; we agreed to it. We thought parity is the basis of federation and so we agreed to parity. But parity in what respect? Having 40:40 in this House and not in other matters at all. I now sincerely believe that they just put us into trap. They just got us agreed to that parity of 40 in this House from East Bengal and 40 from West Pakistan and then they forgot about all those assurances that parity was to be in all respects. Parity indicates Justice and fair play: parity means parity in all respects in all walks of life, in the total wealth of the country; in all things; in matters of appointments; in matters of posts; in matters of Industry and Commerce; in all matters possible there must be parity and equality. Have we done it Sir, Not at all. You, from West Pakistan, have usurped to yourself the two highest posts of Pakistan at the first opportunity that you got-the Governor-Generalship and the Premiership.
Sir, you know very well the position about Hast Bengal. Last year we had committed the greatest crime of routing the Muslim League there in East Bengal completely. That was very unfortunate. Had we given them a greater member of seats there in East Bengal, of course the calamity that came over there and is still persisting. would not have come. After the routing and complete dissolution of Muslim League, whose leaders in West Pakistan started thinking in different manner it has been said in this House repeatedly that the scheme of integration of Provinces in West Pakistan is one of the most momentous and most memorable, and many other mosts, movement plan or scheme, for the welfare of the people of Pakistan. You know Sir, the Quid-i-Azam that mighty brain, did not conceive this idea; neither during the struggle for Pakistan nor after the achievement of Pakistan this benevolent and beneficial project was thought of by the Quaid-i-Azam and if it was so good, could it never have escaped this mighty brain. Then three Basic Principals Committee Reports, one after the other in the name of three successive Prime Ministers, even did not consist of this plan. Then Sir, where did it come from? After the first defeat of Muslim League in East Pakistan I can tell you, Sir, in all sincerity that it came about from the fertile brain of an official in spite of the claim of Malik Firoz Khan who afterwards were taken in as associate sponsors or co-sponsors of that movement. It came in the brain of one gentleman who had been an official and the attitude of officials you know very well. Their attitude first and foremost is to disregard the public opinion; and these officials do not agree to anything that Public says. So that scheme was conceived and brought out by the gentleman and he brought some other people like Mr. Firoz Khan Noon and Mr. Gurmani and others to support this Scheme. The rest we have heard from Sardar Rashid.
Now, Sir, if that is the origin and development of that scheme the earlier it dies the better for the country; the earlier it is abandoned the better for the country. Let us get rid of all conspiracies; let us get rid of all secrecies; let us be plain people. We have got the most sacred task of framing the Constitution for the people of the country. People on the other side have become intolerant and Mr. Aziz Din has shouted out all sorts of things. Even Mian Abdul Bari, the wisest man, is saying: “Why are you taking time and delaying things.” I tell them, “Do not give sermons. We know the value of time; we know more than you do the urgency and necessity of Constitution. We feel more than you do. It is you people who have been responsible for all these troubles for the last so - many years. We are not to blame for this. Did we delay things for eight years? We have not delayed for years; even if it takes one or two days it is not tolerated by you; at least we must say what we have to say on these important matters in this House.” People should know, the world should know what our attitude is towards the scheme. Our attitude to the scheme, I may tell you briefly, Sir. In the context of the scheme there is lack of confidence in the mind of the people in East Bengal which is still persisting. When the Basic Principles Committee's Report in the year 1950 for the first time came up, you know. Sir, there was conflagration in the whole of East Bengal; hundreds and thousands of meetings were held in every village, in every home, in every thana, subdivision and in every district against the Basic Principles Committee's Report. We also held a conference at Dacca called the Grand National Convention over which I had the honor to preside. Mr. Fazlul Haq also delivered speeches in that meeting; we held that conference for three days in the month of November, 1950, and there we discussed that the Constitution of Pakistan should be based on regional territories, regional autonomy. One region is East Pakistan and the other should be West Pakistan. We did not want to impose anything on these people; we just left it at that. We said it will be the desire of our brethren in West Pakistan to frame the pattern of Government that they want to have, either federation or confederation, zonal or sub-federation, whatever they like, but it must be entirely left to the people, left to the free will of the people. That was our position in the year 1950, five years ago, and we still persist on that idea, Sir. You know, Sir, what were the Basic principles on which we got our elections-the historic 21point programme which have been described by our leaders here in this House. Some of them have said that they do not know about 21-point programme and Mr. Daultana has said in his speech that if you want to place your autonomy on 21-point programme, then we will also have to reconsider our position; if that is going to be on the pattern of Soviet Russia, we have got to reconsider our position. Do it by all means; we will also consider our position. Let us both start considering our position in this House. Let us not go on the basis on which we actually came into this House. Let us completely detach ourselves from other considerations and from another kind of basis on which we shall have to frame the Constitution. So, you know very well, Sir, this 21-point programme is an article of faith with the people of East Pakistan, but these other people have no regard for it and they say that it is not workable. That is their contempt towards Bengal. Even if we talk in Bengali in the lobby they deride at us and say:
Kya yeh cheeni zaban hai;
Kalian Se lae yeh zaban, bhai.
(Is this Chinese? Whence did you bring it, brother?)
As if we have no right to talk our language; that is the attitude. This is the frame of mind that precludes the possibilities of attaining unity between East and West Pakistan. Well, Sir, if I am sincere, I have got to be sincere from tomorrow because I cannot work with you in that frame of mind. If you want that we should be sincere towards you, you must also have the reciprocity of being sincere towards us. It cannot be one-sided or exparte. What have we been doing? Maulana Bhashani, our reverend leader, said in London “if the people of West Pakistan give their verdict in favor of the one-Unit scheme, then there will be not a single voice against it. I tell you not a single word of protest will come from East Bengal. The emphasis has been laid on the will of the people"; it is the will of the people they have to find out; it is the will of the people on which everything should be done. Now, Sir, things were not clear for so many days. After Sardar Rashid has spoken, the necessity of sending this Bill for eliciting public opinion has become all the more important.. You cannot avoid it now, in spite of the fact that Mr. Daultana has told so many things in a beautiful way of expression-all these arguments were useless and not at all convincing...
Sir, you know, one of the arguments that have been advanced by Mr. Daultana and others also is that the germ of provincialism will be completely rooted out after the integration of all the provinces of West Pakistan into one unit. Sir, before we were not accustomed with to this word of provincialism. We never knew what the word “Provincialism” was, what was its meaning? It was first introduced and exported to East Pakistan from outside. A bogie of Provincialism was raised. When I demand my things, and demand my legitimate rights, you say “you are provincialist”. I say, “I am”. This is exactly following the Congress People. They actually started the bogie of communalism whenever the question of demand of seats was raised. They always said that you will get these seats by your efficiency alone. Exactly in the same way the poison of provincialism has been spread. Sir, the attitude of the people of East Pakistan is to live and let others live. It is a question of self-determination of East Bengal has come out of the leaders of West Pakistan, the leaders of Central Government. We know this since our arrival here in Karachi. Sir, I have come to know from the highest quarter, from responsible quarters and a very reliable quarter that these leaders of the Central Government who think that East Bengal will not remain with West Pakistan, they say that it is not worthwhile spending a farthing in East Pakistan; it will be thrown in the gutters. I actually quote it here: “Money sent to East Bengal will be thrown into gutters because East Bengal is not going to stay with us.”
Malik Mohammad Firoz Khan Noon: Who said it?
Mr. Ataur Rahman Khan: I have heard it from the highest authority and it is not a matter of document. I do not know whether I shall be able to prove it here in this House.
The Honourable Mr. M.R. Kayani (N.W.F.P.: Muslim): You cannot accuse us.
Mr. Ataur Rahman Khan: I am not accusing you. It will be very difficult for me to present that personality here in this House to give evidence on Oath.
Sir, I have had the opportunity of mixing with the Industrial Community, the Commercial Community, going lo bazaars and other places also telling them to start business in East Pakistan also, to open one branch there, but they say:
Bat to theek hai magar Mashriqi Pakistan agar alaihda ho jae to?
(Its a good suggestion; but what if East Pakistan secede?)
I said, “Who says?” They say: Log kahte hain “Mashriqi Pakistan alaihdh ho jae ga”
(People say: “East Pakistan will go out of Pakistan.)
Sir, how is this that this sort of thing has come into their ears.
At this stage Mian Abdul Bari rose in his seat and the Honorable Member noticed it.
Mr. Ataur Rahman (addressing Mian Abdul Bari): While you were speaking I gave you a patient hearing. I have given you the highest verdict that you were supposed to be the wisest man in the country. I have not said a single word against you. Why are you becoming so much nervous?
Mian Abdul Bari: I include myself in you.
Rahman Khan: If you include yourself in us, then fall in line with us.
Sir, that is the attitude here. We have got to think seriously and very sincerely about our position; we have got to revise our whole attitude because there is a complete change of outlook here and we have got to change our outlook completely because we began with certain assurances given by the leaders of the Central Government, by the leaders of the Muslim League here in this House. We are now not going to rely on your mere assurances. We don't believe in the promises anymore because you have completely shaken the sentiments out of mind. We must have now everything done here and nothing more. As I told you, five demands of East Pakistan must be conceded to, must be ensured, not by mere mouth or word, but it must be ensured in the Bill that you have brought here, namely, the West Pakistan Merger Bill...[Extracts from the Speech of Mr. H. S. Suhrawardy.]
Mr. H. S. Sulirawardy (12th September, 1955): It may be said that since I was in favor of the One-Unit Scheme, why today there is so much opposition to it. In short, it is due to the fact that the people have lost confidence in the good faith of Government. Sir, I was dilating upon the attitude of various parties regarding political issues; what transpired thereafter is also well known, and is not a Cabinet Secret. What transpired in Murree is well, known and it was talked about all over the place. What had been told to me in private by the Honorable Prime Minister and his colleagues I shall not refer to. Private conversations should be kept out of this House. The trend of events the logical trend of events of what they were leading to was well known and I pointed this out to you, not because as I said yesterday, I was not elected or selected as the Prime Minister. That is a very very minor matter, as the Honorable Prime Minister himself will find out in due course. The situation is such that Office does not carry with it that prestige or power which it should carry in a democratic country. Why then I am referring to it here which I shall have to refer at a later stage because it has resulted in not only myself, very unimportant, extremely unimportant, not my party which is extremely unimportant, but I think that those who have followed the trend of events in losing complete confidence in the present Ministry and in the provinces of these persons who sit on the other side. Yes, you have got one friend now and that is that self-saying gentleman and those who are with him who will co-operate with you. How far they will carry you will depend upon the course of events and possibly, Sir, with them behind you as I said you have been able to manufacture a Steam-roller which will crush all opposition. Well, Sir, I, therefore, ask the Honorable Prime Minister that will he please see that when this One-Unit Scheme is ignorable in its conception, when it has got so many advantages, when he thinks that if this is adopted, we shall proceed on the lines of true nationalism and perhaps, will be able to bring the two Units together, if there is not that intrigue entered into the Scheme of things, namely, the intrigue for the purpose of capturing power, if that does not enter into, if the work is done honestly and sincerely. Why is it then that today there is so much opposition to it/ Does not the Honorable Prime Minister hear the rumbling or voices in the districts and the growing opposition? Why is it so? I will tell you the reasons a little bit later, but I would like before I do that to search your own hearts, everyone of you sitting on the other side and see whether you have behaved honorably within these last days and you deserve the confidence of the people, a confidence of the people that you will abide by your promises? That is the fundamental of the success of this One-Unit scheme. The One-Unit scheme cannot succeed if the people have not got confidence in you and if it fails it will disintegrate Pakistan. Sir, consequently you have got to search your heart and if after searching your heart you are satisfied that you have behaved in such a way that the people can have confidence in your promises, come then and make these promises over here. At least your conscience will be clear although other persons may not agree with you, although other persons may think that possibly a further searching of the heart may lead to finding nooks and corners and skeletons which may lead you to alter your views regarding your position in the country. Now, Sir, as I said, we have unhappily to go into the motive to some extent although I would much rather have not done so. Before I do that however, I would like to place before the Honorable the Prime Minister the four principles which hang together and for which we can support the One-Unit Scheme. If any of these principles are destroyed, you destroy the support to your Scheme. These principles are: Firstly the integration of West Pakistan-that integration can be in various forms, it does not necessarily mean unification. You can have unification, you can have zonal sub-federations, or you can even bring some provinces together and instead of having ten or eleven provinces, you may have three or four provinces just as suits your administrative convenience keeping in view the views of the people whom I would request you to consult. Secondly, then, Sir, Parity between East and West Pakistan. This is the important part of the principle. Thirdly, division of the offices of the Governor-General and the Prime Minister between East and West Pakistan which forms a principle of that parity, because the principle of that parity is again a question of division of powers. The principle of that parity is: no domination by one over the other. The principle of that parity is: Co-operation between the two wings. Consequently this question of the division of powers between East and West Pakistan is of a fundamental importance. It is a question which requires considerable thought. It must be said that there was a particular time, as you know, it has been said in the papers, when the matter was raised, I said what does it matter I am prepared to give in-that was a personal matter; the Honourable Prime Minister knows it perfectly well that if you ask my coat over here I shall hand it over to you, with all that it contains—but the question here is that of principle, Sir. And, that principle was thrashed out-there is no” doubt about it—that it was ultimately before you come to your conclusions and decisions, it was told, it was brought home to you that the question of division of power between East and West Pakistan was fundamental and if there was a Governor-General who came from West Pakistan, it was necessary to a Prime Minister of East Pakistan, and consequently inasmuch as this Governor General was adopted by West Pakistan-let there be no mistake regarding that—I cannot understand why your Protagonists go round and try to mislead the people? I have said that over and over again in this House, I have said that over and over again in public and it is not a Cabinet Secret, Mr. Prime Minister, because this question, you will agree with me, was never raised in the Cabinet, it was outside the Cabinet, and, therefore, it was understood that there should be a Prime Minister from Bengal. You had to make your own choice, if you wanted to work with a United Front. there was the ex-Prime Minister Mohammad Ali who had delivered the United Front bound hand and foot, who told you that the United Front led by Mr. Fazlul Haque was prepared to accept all your conditions blindfold. You could have had him. No, you get rid of him. Probably, at that moment, you had some other ideas in your sub-conscious mind. Then, later on you changed those ideas and for the sake of principle which thereafter, as I said, I do not know something was enunciated which was so horrific that I quaver before it that if this is going to be the principle underlying your administration, then God help us! You should not forget that it is not a thing that I shall leave untold and unsaid in this connection. So, the forth principle also thereafter was: regional or zonal autonomy. All these principles hang together. You have destroyed on principle and with that you have destroyed the principle of parity. The main basis of the unification of Pakistan, viz., that we as equal partners will work together, has been destroyed by you. Therefore, Sir, think about it sincerely when you place this before you. I know what I have said, and there will be papers who may support you here and there, who will say, “Ah, it is a voice of a disappointed man who speaks" because he has not been the Prime Minister. What do these papers know about me? I do not like to say anything on this but I would say this much definitely and I speak from my conscience that this was no charm for me. As a matter of fact, at a particular time you, Sir, thought that I could be the Prime Minister of Pakistan. I do not put it further than that. I was engrossed with that idea. I said: can one fail shoulder carry that burden-this great burden of trying to rescue Pakistan from the morass into which it has fallen? I am glad, Sir, that the Honorable Prime Minister has undertaken that colossal task and I humbly pray that may be succeed in this task because after all it is one and one aim before us whether we are on that side or on this side, namely, that Pakistan should succeed. Sir, it is on this account that the question of motives becomes Somewhat relevant. I understand, Sir, that the idea which first germinated in the mind or at least so far as I know-I do not know where it germinated but Malik Firoz Khan Noon claims the credit for the first germination-it germinated in his mind. It was somehow or other to find a scheme which will destroy the domination of East Bengal-'the domination of East Bengal", I use the word adversely. Therefore, they decided that let us have parity. They were always thinking all the time on that line, not on political lines; they were thinking all the time of provincial lines. But it happened so that the majority in East Bengal did not believe by virtue of this majority to do things in the manner in which it was unpleasant to the persons who came from this side, and they felt it necessary that this should be made away with. I do not know whether at that particular time there was any idea at the back of their mind that this would result in ultimately the domination of the Punjab both in the Centre and in the Unit. I do not want to deal with that point. All that I wish to fell you now that there are reasons for suspicion regarding that and that suspicion has got to be alloyed. I would ask the Honorable Prime Minister please to consider it because I think he is a gentleman who is able to think clearly whether the act which has recently been done, namely, for capturing both the offices for the Punjab, not for West Pakistan alone but for Punjab because you have adopted the Governor-General from the Punjab, whether this will alleviate that suspicion that Punjab was out to dominate the Centre and the Unit. Do you not think that it would have been far wiser, far wiser for you to restrain your hand from it. Even it that was your idea, would it not have been far wiser, if for the sake of One-Unit, you had showed yourself to be self-sacrificing and that you should have restrained yourself from taking up the position which has been handed over on a platter by somebody. Do you think that it would not have been far better for the sake of parity that you should have given it up and showed the world, “Look at our bona fide, we were offered but we refused". But alas! You could not see that how we were jeopardizing all these principles for which we had been fighting and which will make for the stability of Pakistan. Alas! You could not see that you were antagonizing a very large section. Now the whole section of East Bengal is against you. You could not see that suspicion will be aroused on that side regarding your bona fides. You could not see that the result of this could be that the people and the papers and your supporters in West Pakistan, who are short-sighted, will consider this a West Pakistani victory. You could not see that they will consider that East Bengal has been denied its rights. I think it was Mr. Haroon who said here-and I think he did it very unwisely-'why are you objecting today a Punjabi gentleman taking office when on the last two occasions you have had Bengali Prime Ministers, The question is not that although these Bengali Prime Ministers were thrown out by neck; that is a different matter.
Mr. Yusuf A. Haroon: On a point of a further explanation, Sir.
Mr. Speaker: Kindly resume your Seat.
Mr. H. S. Suhrawardy. Now, Sir, what I wish to place before you is this that I have got no grievance against any Punjabi as such or against Punjab. That is what I intended to state. I have got very highest regard for them. They are men, they are persons who give us army, soldiers, give us strength and they are people who, if properly led, would rise to the pinnacle of patriotism. But what you have done for them? You have put them behind, you have guillotined them, you have ruined them, you have stopped all the places for them, all for the sake of coterie. On account of your short sightedness you have allowed people to think that all that is being done here and there is for the sake of capturing power for the Punjab. So this is the state of affair in which we find ourselves today and with which we are faced today and that is the reason why the Opposition to the One-Unit Bill is growing. And how hive you gathered support for it, I do not want to go into the history of all these things which I have already dealt with to some extent. But you did so somewhere by force.