বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধ দলিলপত্র (দ্বাদশ খণ্ড)/২০
| শিরোনাম | সূত্র | তারিখ |
|---|---|---|
| বাংলাদেশের রাজনৈতিক সমাধান প্রয়োজন: ওয়াশিংটনের ন্যাশনাল প্রেসক্লাবে ভারতের পররাষ্ট্রমন্ত্রী সরদার শরণ সিংয়ের ভাষণ | ভারতের পররাষ্ট্র মন্ত্রণালয় প্রকাশিত পুস্তিকা | ১৭ জুন, ১৯৭১ |
BANGLADESH NEEDS POLITICAL SOLUTION
Foreign Minister Sardar Swaran Singh's address to the National Press Club,
Washington, June 17, 1971.
Following is the text of speech delivered by Foreign Minister Sardar Swaran Singh at the National Press Club of Washington, D.C., U.S.A., on June 17, 1971:
I value and appreciate the invitation to address the National Press Club. There is a special reason for this. I have come here to seek, together with your leaders, a just, peaceful and enduring solution of a problem which has been reported upon so well and in such detail by your press. So, I am happy to have this opportunity to speak to this distinguished gathering of the representatives of the American Press who play such a vital role in shaping public opinion.
The tragedy of East Bengal looms large on the horizon of India today. It looms large on the horizon of Asia. It poses a grave threat to peace and progress in our region.
The facts of the situation in East Bengal are well known to you. But I wish to draw your attention to the dangerous potential of this problem for us and for our region. We should also consider the consequences that the world may have to face tomorrow, if today, due to a sense of indifference or helplessness, or out of some misplaced feeling of delicacy towards the perpetrators of the tragedy, we permit the situation to drift further.
The concern and anxiety which this situation in East Bengal causes to us in India are not ours alone. They are yours too. The character and the magnitude of the happenings in East Bengal are such that they are bound to have repercussions beyond the frontiers of Pakistan and be a source of concern to the international community.
Democracy Brutally Suppressed
Besides, our two countries have a common commitment to democratic principles and values. These same values and principles are being brutally suppressed in East Bengal.
The suppression of democratic principles by the army in East Bengal I would remind you cannot be defended on the ground that it is an attempt to deal with a secessionist movement. The elections took place in Pakistan in December last year for a assembly to frame constitution for that country. The Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, swept the polls on a programme demanding greater control over state affairs in East Bengal within the union of Pakistan. The league's six-point programme was not a manifesto for secession or independence. The demand for independence of Bangladesh came, it should be remembered, in the wake of the bloodbath which began on March 25, The case is therefore, clearly one of a minority, equipped with gifts of money and arms from abroad, trying to undo, through the use of brute force, the verdict of popular vote.
One of the results of this reign of terror unleashed by the army is that 6 million people have fled their homes in East Bengal and have sought refugees in India. There is no end yet in sight to this mass exodus. Each day some 100,000 East Bengalis are driven by the Pakistan Army across the border of East Bengal into our country. The dimensions of this exodus will, perhaps, be better understood if I say that we are receiving one refugee every second.
We offer these refugees such scccour and relief as we can afford. In our states bordering on East Bengal, the schools of our children have had to be closed down to provide shelter for the refugees. Our health services are stretched thin, and there are shortages of transport and tent age, food and medicine and other resources needed to cope with this grim tragedy. In the Indian State of Tripura today, there is one refugee from East Bengal to every tow local inhabitants. West Bengal, already heavily populated, is groaning under the weight of this endless influx.
Clearly, the humanitarian task of providing food, shelter and medicines must have high priority. The cost of relief will run into hundreds of millions of dollars. We and made a token provision of 80 million dollars in our budget for the current year, but even this token provision represents 30 per cent of the additional tax burden which our people will have to bear this year.
While we are doing the best we can within our resources, the financial burden of looking after the refugees is beyond our resources. We have welcomed such assistance as has been forthcoming form foreign governments, from voluntary organizations and agencies and from private citizens. Even though these contributions may not be very large, our Government and people appreciate the sentiment behind them.
Nevertheless, the task is a very large one and we in India have our own pressing problems of poverty and unemployment to attend to. We, therefore, hope that the United States, a prosperous county of generous humanitarian instincts and, indeed, other countries of the world, may, before long, address themselves more adequately to the problems and needs of relief.
Military Action Must Stop at Once
But necessary as relief is, it is a palliative and not a solution to the problem which lies at the root of the situation. It is immediately necessary to stop further influx of refugees from Pakistan, and that will come about only if the military action in East Bengal is ended forthwith. The international community must persuade and pressurize the Government of Pakistan to that end.
Equally, conditions must be created for the return to East Bengal of those who were forced out of their homes and had to take shelter in India. The Government of Pakistan must be made to accept its proper responsibility for the rehabilitation of these refugees in their homes. In the meantime their properties in East Bengal should be preserved and protected under international supervision pending their return.
The return and resettlement of refugees in their homes will obviously take a while and relief measures will be necessary and camps will have to be set up for the purpose. It seem to us that temporary relief camps should be set up in East Bengal itself and the refugees now in India should be transferred to those camps.
The Pakistan Government claims to have set up camps or reception centers in East Bengal, but refugees are not returning there, because they apparently do not trust the Pakistan Government’s declarations of amnesty. It is, therefore, necessary to restore their confidence that they will be well treated on return, that they will enjoy safety of person and property and that bonafide measures will be taken to rehabilitate them and protect their rights and interests.
International Supervision
As a measure in that direction, an area in Pakistan may have to be set aside for temporary camps, to be administered by the refugees themselves under international supervision.
The basic problem is a political one and it calls for a political solution. Without such a solution, the atmosphere of confidence and security, which is necessary for the return of refugees, will not be generated. There are two essential pre-requisites:
First, the necessary political solution must be found urgently, and
Secondly, the solution to be effective and enduring must be in accord with the wishes of the people of East Bengal and their elected leaders.
Any effort to set up a regime in East Bengal which is not truly representative will only prolong the agony, and harden attitudes and pose hazards to peace of the whole region.
Concern For Mujib
We feel great concern for the personal safety and well-being of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He is a leader of very high stature and rare human qualities, who commands the affections of the entire people of East Bengal. We hope that the international community will spare no effort to persuade the rulers of Pakistan to release Sheikh Mujib, and to join symbolize the urges, aspirations and hopes of 75 million people which were expressed as late as December last. These will not be extinguished by this incarceration.
We would urge the International community as a whole, and countries friendly to Pakistan in particular, to bring their influence to bear on the Pakistan Government for a political solution on these lines.
Our views with regard to the grant of military aid to Pakistan are well-known. A situation has now arisen in which even the grant of economic aid to that country, in present circumstances, is bound to be used for the suppression of the majority of Pakistan’s people. It is, therefore, not out of any ill will for the people of Pakistan, but in the desire that the agony of strife in Pakistan should end as quickly as possible, that we urge that all countrics should suspend all military and economic assistance to Pakistan till a political solution acceptable to the people of East Bengal is found.
India Threatened
I hope that the people of this country will understand and appreciate our grave anxiety over the situation in East Bengal. We in India have been at the receiving end of the results of the region of terror and killings that has gone on in East Bengal since March 25. The point has now been reached where the actions of Pakistan’s military Government threaten to disrupt the economic, social and political fabric of our society and our state. These action threaten to engulf our region in a conflict the end of which it is not easy to predict.
We have acted with patience, forbearance and restraint. But, we cannot sit idly by if the edifice of our political stability and economic well-being is threatened.
In the 23 years since our independence, we have struggled to give economic and social meaning to our political democracy. We have not succeeded in eliminating poverty and hunger and disease from our land, but the lives of our people are a little better than they were 2½ decades ago. We have doubled our food production, we have vastly expanded the availability of education, medical care and the opportunities of work to our people. The rate of annual increase in our exports touched a high of 7 per cent last year, and our growth rate has moved up to 5 per cent per annum. The United States has helped us in our endeavors, and I am sure you share our pride in these achievements.
Crises of Pakistan's Making
After our General Elections in February, which gave our Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, and our party, the Indian national Congress, a massive verdict of peoples’ support for our programmes, we were getting ready for a powerful assault on our economic and social problems. And, then came this crisis of Pakistan’s making. which threatens to wipe out our gains, and destroy the prospect of peace and progress for our children.
To any responsible Government, this would be an intolerable situation. Hence our anxiety that a, political solution should be forged in East Bengal which is acceptable to the Bengali people and their elected representatives, so that peace may return to that troubled land, and refugees who have come to our country should go back to their homes.
We face a grave situation, but we continue to have faith and hope that concerted and determined action of the world community will help a satisfactory solution and lift the threat to India’s stability and to the peace of the region.
It was in that spirit that I undertook this tour which has brought me to Washington, I have found here understanding of our apprehensions and sympathy without objectives.
[The above speech has been included in the U.S. Congressional Record at the request of Representative Cornelius E. Gallagher.]
FOLLOWING ARE THE QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS AFTER THE SPEECH
Question: You stated last night that you are going to take care of 6 million refugees for 6 months. What happens if Pakistan refuses to take back these refugees?
Foreign Minister: The question is important. What happens if there are additions to 6 million? That is the precise reason that we are doubly anxious about this issue. Our first demand is that whatever else happens or does not happen, this further movement of refugees must stop. And, in this respect, even a change in the political situation is not absolutely necessary to put a stop to the movement of refugees. If those who happen to be now in charge of the administrative and military apparatus which can systematically push out people, if they start applying that machine and that apparatus in the reverse direction and produce conditions of confidence, at any rate cease to put pressure on these various section of the East Bengali community, this will result in sto9pping of movement. The conditions which are already so grave, if this does not stop, and I hinted in a portion of my speech that if this thing continues, we will not be able to watch helplessly this addition to our troubles and this increasing threat to our security and stability of not only our territory, but of the entire region.
Question: Why do you refer to East Pakistan as East Bengal? Does this indicate eventual unification of West and East Bengal?
Foreign Minister: I call it East Bengal, because originally it was East Bengal. Bengal was divided into two parts, the East and the West. And this also to a certain extent we use in order to satisfy the ideas of the people in East Bengal who, 75 million of the, are engaged in the mighty task of ending the military domination and suppression of the Pakistan army, which is predominantly West Pakistani in its content and constitution.
The use of this expression does not mean that there is any risk of West Bengal, which is a state of the Indian Union, at any time thinking of joining East Bengal, even it becomes independent. They know the value of being equal partners in this grant great country of ours, India, where they have played a significant role in the political field, in the social and economic field and thus I do not realize that there is ever any risk of people of West Bengal, a constituent state of India, ever-thinking of opting out of India, whatever is the future of East Pakistan, whether is succeeds in attaining the type of autonomy which is contained in the 6-point Programme of the Awami league or whether it emerges in the course of time as a state mostly on account of the continued oppression by military means of the wishes and aspirations of the people of East Bengal.
Question: President Nixon has not so far publicly condemned genocide in East Bengal. Did he condemn it in your private talks with him?
Foreign Minister: I am sure this sophisticated audience will not like me to speak on behalf of President Nixon. You have, perhaps, better means of knowing what is in the mind of President Nixon. And, it is farthest from me that I should comment upon that he should or should not do. It is my duty to put across my view point as precisely, but as forcefully, as possible to you, as I have to President Nixon and other important leaders of your Government. And, it is for them to take up attitudes, public or private. I would not like to have any quarrel with them on that score.
Question: Your Excellency, what pressure, beside diplomatic protest, if any, could the United States bring to bear on the West Pakistan Government to force them toward humanitarian treatment of the Bengalis?
Foreign Minister: I have no doubt in my mind that without even making a diplomatic protest in the expression used in the question—if the disapproval of the Government and people of the United States s expressed in a forthright manner, that will have a powerful impact upon the military rules, even upon the people in West Pakistan, who, on account of rigorous imposition of various types of controls on the Press, are unaware of what is happening in East Pakistan. And, a forthright and clear expression of disapproval will go a long way in not only applying the necessary solace, giving comfort to the sufferers, but will be a strong deterrent against the continued military action by the perpetrators of these henio9us crimes against democracy and against liberal traditions.
Question: By saying India “will not sit idly by” if the refugee flow continues, do you mean India will declare war on Pakistan?
Foreign Minister: There are other ways of enforcing our wish than declaring war. And, I hope we will not be compelled to resort to those other means which perhaps you cannot expect me to spell out at this stage.
At the present moment, we are engaged in the task of mobilizing public opinion, both governmental as well as private, to focus their attention of the basic issues, the moral issues, involved. I have no doubt that by paying a very small price at this stage, of expressing this assessment in a clear manner, and also applying such levels as there may b-some of it I have entered—the situation can be retrieved. It is our earnest hope and it is our fond hope, at any rate, that this situation can be corrected only if the international community, both at the official and non-official level, wake up to their responsibility and do not by their silence connive or acquiesce in the continued military action which will surely lead to much graver and much more disastrous results.
Question: Mr. Minister, why do you think that the Foreign Offices in the Western nations have had so little to say about the massacre in East Pakistan?
Foreign Minister: I wish could speak on their behalf. But the hard reality is that they are reticent. The day has come when this conscience should he stirred, and they should speak out and should view the situation, in view of the gravity of the situation, in its proper perspective, and try to tackle the roots rather that touch the periphery.
Question: Should Hindu refugees also be asked to return to East Bengal? And, what do you think about a united Bengal, independent of India and Pakistan?
Foreign Minister: My reply to the first question is that no one will return merely because he is asked to return, be he a Hindu refugee, a Muslim refugee, and, I would like to add for your information, that there are, besides these two communities, Christian refugees and Buddhist refugees also. They have been quite impartial in their acts of oppression of various communities.
The refugees will not return simply because they are being asked to return. They will return only if the crisis of confidence, which has overtaken the people there, is ended, and, in its place, an atmosphere and a situation of confidence and hope is regenerated. This can come about not by asking an individual to go or not to go, but by induction to East Pakistan of an administrative set up which represents the ideals and aspirations of the people, so unmistakably demonstrated at the time of the last election giving 167 seats out of 169 to the Awami League. I think it is a record of success, by any standard in the world, in any part of the world.
So, it is really the establishment, the re-establishment, there of an administration which inspires the confidence of the people that the return of the refugees will be facilitated.
With regard to the second question, I have already touched upon it. I do not realize that in West Bengal, one of our valiant members of the great Indian community, who with their rich historical and cultural heritage have played such a significant role in the reconstruction and developOment of the country, and who have taken such prominent part in the mainstream of public life in India, after seeing what has happened to people in East Bengal, would ever dream of or think of, opting out of the Indian territory, and would ever dream of taking a step which, to us, appears to be borne out of a complete misunderstanding and misjudgment of the situation.
Question: Your Excellency, would you please comment on a Radio Network report that your Government is preventing or hindering press coverage of American airlifts of Pakistani refugees while allowing coverage of similar Soviet airlifts?
Foreign Minister: We are completely non-aligned between these two super powers. And, I would like to dispel any such feeling in any quarter that we are discriminating in the matter of coverage of C-130 planes as compared to AM-12 or AM-14 planes. I have myself seen a full and complete report of the sorties undertaken by the American planes. I am sure that in India, which has traditions of a free press which most of the time is not too charitable to us-even they have never complained that there has been any discrimination on this score.
Question: Do you feel confident that the Government of Pakistan would equitably distribute relief supplies given to it on a bilateral basis?
Foreign Minister: I have my grave doubts about their capacity to dole out even the last in an impartial manner. And, I have grave doubts if it will reach the real needy individuals. This concern of mine is broadly shared by the international community and by the U.N. circles. It is for this reason that they have been insisting on supervision, by the international community, the U.N. Organizations, of the distribution arrangements with regard to such relief that might be made available to the Government of Pakistan.
There is no substitute for experience. By now it is well-known that even the relief that was given to the Pakistan Government for the relief of the sufferers of cyclone some months back—a good part of it has remained unutilized. And, I can say on good authority that the boats for relief work, which were given at that time to Pakistan authorities came in very handy for the Pakistan military authorities when they were dealing with the freedom fighters.
Question: Mr. Minister, do you think it at all possible that the two sections of Pakistan can be continued under one Government?
Foreign Minister: I would not like to comment upon the future course of events. I would like to clarify our stand with regard to this issue, that we consider, and have taken the stand, that this is a matter between whatever may be the central authority of Pakistan and the people of East Bengal. It is for the people of East Bengal to work out their future. And, so far as we are concerned, we will be perfectly satisfied if the elected representatives who represent the wish of the people-almost unanimously-if they work out any arrangement. It is for them to take a view of the future course of events. And, the quantum of autonomy or the nature of the relationship, whether it is independent or semi-independent, autonomous or whatever it is, it is their future and it’s for those people to decide. We have not taken any fixed stand with regard to this issue.
Question: In response to an earlier question as to whether India might act to absorb East Bengal, you said that West Bengal would not want to quit India to form a new state of both Bengals. Can you answer the original question, please?
Foreign Minister: Can you repeat, Mr. President?
Question: Apparently someone was not content with the earlier question as to whether Indian might act to absorb East Bengal and would probably want you to comment further, if you will.
Foreign Minister: The East Bengal freedom fighters, who are so keen to gain their own independence—I do not think that they will readily like again to become non-independent by becoming a part of India. This does not appear to be consistent with the ideas of freedom which today are saying in such a powerful manner—almost unanimously—the people in East Bengal.
Question: Your Excellency, how much, in a specific figure. Indian believes it needs in international humanitarian aid for the remainder of the year?
Foreign Minister: In this connection, I would like to state one or two points. One, our view has always been, and continues to be that in the first place, the care of the East Pakistani citizens who happened now to be temporarily in India—the entire responsibility is clearly that of the Government of Pakistan.
In the second place, it is the responsibility, of the international community, and India will be prepared to contribute her share, even more than her prorate share in discharging this international obligation towards the victims of oppression.
And, if that aid is given to look alter these refugees, we never regard it as aid to India. It might be aid to Pakistan, because, to that extent, partially it reduces the direct responsibility of the Government of Pakistan to look after these refugees.
Now in the quantum thereof, we know that the amounts that have been indicated so far will meet only a small fraction of the entire expenditure that have to be incurred in looking after refugees. But the most important thing to be kept in mind is that the social, economic tensions that have been generated in our area, the element of instability and the long-range risk of this instability continuing are factors which cannot be determined in terms of money. It is this aspect which has to be kept in mind.
And it is for this reason that we have always stressed and highlighted the importance of a necessary political corrective to be applied. Because, there is no use dealing with a symptom if you don't deal with the root cause.
We are conscious of the fact that even the most generous response of the international community is likely to reach only a small fraction of the total burden that we will have to carry, even in terms of money: but we still value it, because of the thought behind it, rather than the actual quantum thereof.
Question: What is your assessment of the effect of Chinese support of the Government of Pakistan's actions in East Pakistan on China's credibility and influence in the world?
Foreign Minister: Surely any support that Pakistan military rulers might get from any quarter, which gives a pat on their back, will encourage them in their intransigence, And to that extent, this support from the Government of the People's Republic of China is something which encourages them to continue in their path of repression, and to that extent is definitely a negative factor in the entire situation.
Question: Mr. Minister, what is the cholera situation among refugees and others?
Foreign Minister: There were cases of cholera. And, I think that, by and large, action taken so far has resulted in halting the spread of cholera. In our vast country, where we deal with such vast numbers, the steps that our health organizations have taken in controlling cholera have, by and large, been successful. And, we would not like the international community to feel too much concerned about the spread of cholera. We have sometimes an uneasy suspicion that highlighting cholera may have been hit upon as one of the methods of diverting attention form the core of the problem, and we would like you to concentrate on the core of the problem, rather than be too much obsessed by this risk of an epidemic spreading.
Question: Has Communist China issued any warning to India with regard to any future conflict between India and Pakistan?
Foreign Minister: For once I want to reply with one word, and that is, no.
Question: What if any, economic expenditure will India cut back to finance refugees relief?
Foreign Minister: I think it is quite obvious that the entire expenditure on refugees will be non-productive. And, it will definitely cut into our expenditure which had been earmarked for development purposes, and it is from that point of view the impact of this upon our advance on the economic front which is the source of concern.
Question: Mr. Minister, How can Indo-American relations be improved at this point?
Foreign Minister: It is difficult to answer that. But one method is that if all of you support me in this, they will be very greatly improved. (laughter)
Question: A questioner wants to know, candidly, what percentage of your people go to bed hungry every night? Is your country making maximum use of fishmeal to provide needed protein in the diet of your people? And, do you view the population explosion as the leading problem facing the world community of nations toady? And on the same subject what can you tell us about the progress of birth control in India?
Foreign Minister: Several questions have been rolled into one. Perhaps a full-dress debate on our economic planning and development will be initiated or triggered off if I deal with these matters in any great detail.
But, I will try to answer as briefly as I can. The first question is as to how many people sleep without a meal. My reply is one, because our food production last year crossed a 100 million ton mark. And in cereal, our position is fairly comfortable. We have drastically reduced our food imports. We are importing some small quantities to build up a reserve than for current consumption. The second question is about utilization of fishmeal, or what is it?
Question: Yes, sir. Is your country making maximum use of fishmeal to provide needed protein in the diet of your people?
Foreign Minister: Well, we haven’t got enough of fish, and we want to catch more. And, we are prepared to go even to troubled waters for that. We have no inhibitions in consuming fish. If you have served it and have watched the Indians handling their fork in relation to fish you probably would have got the answer for this. What is next?
Question: Do you view the population explosion as the leading problem facing the world community of nations today?
Foreign Minister: I agree. And it is for this reason that we also urge in all international forums that just as peace in indivisible, it should be increasingly realized that poverty also is indivisible. And, therefore, a great burden lies in the affluent society to watch this situation very carefully and to willingly contribute their share in ameliorating the lot of the people. Otherwise an increasing number of bodies in comparatively poorer countries surely will create a problem for those countries. But those countries, who are having all the good things of life and abundance, will not remain unaffected by this increasing difference between the levels of standard of living of peoples.
And, we on our side are fully convinced of taking effective steps for controlling the population. I would like to share this thought with you that there is no resistance in India to this. It depends on the methods and the where with all that will enable us to push ahead in a more effective manner our population control programme.
Question: Your Excellency, you have been taking of political problem. The U.S. Government has been talking of relief and money and aid. Is this a dialogue of the deaf?
Foreign Minister: If it were a dialogue of the deal, then probably nothing would be heard. And it requires two deaf people to block a dialogue. I do not think that the two attitudes are inconsistent. The United States Government have been mentioning the relief measures that they have taken. We welcome them.
We have also pointed out to them the necessity of dealing with the root problem and not touching only the symptom. I will not be reporting faithfully if I were to say that all this fell on deaf ears.
'Chair: Your Excellency, before asking the final question, I would like to present you with a certificate of appreciation to commemorate your visit with us today.
Foreign Minister: Thank you very much.
Chair: As well as the official necktie of the National Press Club, which I’m afraid you’ll have to wear with western dress.
Foreign Minster: Thank you very much.
Question: The final question, Sir. is it true that you once presented Ambassador Ken Keating with an alarm clock?
Foreign Minister: An alarm Clock.
Chair: I don't know the significance.
Foreign Minister: This is a very pleasant subject that has been raised. First of all, I would like to thank you, Mr. President, for your thoughtfulness in Screening the questions and trying to ‘club’ them in as presentable and palatable form as possible. And, I greatly appreciate your thoughtfulness and your consideration.
In the second place, I greatly value these souvenirs which have been presented to me. They will be a constant reminder of a very pleasant function in which I had a dialogue and I could see the free Press in action. I was missing this for some time, because I have been away from my Parliament and my Press for now over ten days. And this perhaps was very hospitable to that is aviating me when I return to my own country. These will be very valuable remainders of the very excellent opportunity that I had to put across my viewpoints and the viewpoints of my country.
The last question is about presentation of an alarm clock to Ambassador Keating, I would like to say that Mr. Ambassador Senator Keating is one of the most loved and respected ambassadors in our diplomatic corps.[১] And I would like to acknowledge that he has been doing excellent work for improving relations between our two countrics, strengthening them, and trying to consolidate the areas in which there has been fruitful collaboration and cooperation. I would like to assure you that, as people, we are reasonably courteous, and we do not embarrass any person by presenting such ridiculous items as alarm clocks.
And, Mr. Keating is so alert that he doesn’t require the chime of a clock to awaken him. He seldom sleeps on important issues, and, therefore, he need not be subjected to the agony of the ticking or the chime of the clock to wake him up. Because on all important issues he is wide awake all the time.
And, may be, perhaps, I will purchase some sleeping pills for him here. But I would like to say that Mr. Keating is coming up to the highest traditions of America life. And, it’s my pleasure to say that he’s doing very excellent work.
But, still there is room for frivolity in framing this question or putting out a news item of that type.
Thank you very much.
- ↑ Ministry of External Affairs, New Delhi.